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                  Multiculturalism and the Ruling Elite

                            by Daniel Brandt
_____

Opportunity is rapidly vanishing, poorly masked by an institutionalized
preference for diversity. Leftist academics in ivory towers are hooked on
designer victimology but fail to notice the real victims -- the entire
next generation. Meanwhile the rich get richer. Have a nice New World
Order.
_____

     Anyone who follows today's academic debates on multiculturalism, and
by happenstance is also familiar with the power-structure research that
engaged students in the sixties and early seventies, is struck by that old
truism: the only thing history teaches us is that no one learns from
history. By now it's even embarrassing, perhaps because of our soundbite
culture. Not only must each generation painstakingly relearn, by trial and
error, everything learned by the previous generation, but it's beginning
to appear that we have to relearn ourselves that which we knew a scant
twenty years earlier. The debate over diversity is one example of this.

     Researchers in the sixties discovered that the ruling elites of the
West mastered the techniques of multiculturalism at the onset of the Cold
War, and employed them time and again to counter the perceived threat from
communism. The Congress for Cultural Freedom (CCF) was funded first by the
CIA and then, after this was exposed in 1967, by the Ford Foundation. CCF
created magazines, published books, and conducted conferences throughout
the world, in an effort to wean intellectuals to democratic liberalism.[1]

     The CIA was also busy in Africa. In an article titled "The CIA as an
Equal Opportunity Employer" that first appeared in 1969 in Ramparts and
was reprinted in the Black Panther newspaper and elsewhere, members from
the Africa Research Group presented convincing evidence that "the CIA has
promoted black cultural nationalism to reinforce neo-colonialism in
Africa." In their introduction they added that "activists in the black
colony within the United States can easily see the relevance to their own
situation; in many cases the same techniques and occasionally the same
individuals are used to control the political implications of
Afro-American culture."[2]

     But this is lost history, found today only on dusty library shelves
or buried in obscure databases. None of it is mentioned in the current
debate over diversity, not even in one of the most lucid essays, an
opinion piece by David Rieff that appeared in a recent Harper's.[3] Rieff
paints a picture of multiculturalism and shows, in broad strokes, how
multiculturalism serves capitalism. To appreciate the significance of
multiculturalism we must, as Rieff does, look at the academic arguments
from someplace in the real world, or at least from off campus. But we must
also be aware of our own historical legacy: psychological warfare and the
secret state, the mass media and the culture of spectacle, the role of
foundations, and above all, the interests and techniques of the elite
globalists who won the Cold War.

     From the time that this war began in 1947, the Carnegie, Ford, and
Rockefeller Foundations, in cooperation with the CIA, began funding
programs at major U.S. universities such as Harvard, MIT, and Columbia.
They began with an emphasis on Russian studies, but by the mid-1960s these
three foundations and the CIA had a near-monopoly on all international
studies in the U.S.[4] This phenomenon, a big-money, top-down affair born
out of strategic considerations, is the precursor of today's academic
multiculturalism.

     Some defenders of academic diversity pretend that the elitist shoe
is on the other foot, and note that their critics are funded by certain
conservative foundations. Sara Diamond tracks the Olin Foundation and
Smith-Richardson money behind Dinesh D'Souza and the National Association
of Scholars (NAS), two of the more vocal critics of multiculturalism.[5]
Diamond points out that the Smith-Richardson Foundation has its own CIA
connections, even though they pale in significance alongside the Carnegie
- Ford - Rockefeller nexus. But Diamond's major error is in framing her
arguments in terms of right and left. This allows the real dynamics to
escape her radar.

     The ruling elite that finds diversity useful is an elite operating
at a level which transcends right and left. While there is an ideological
right that is battling the left, and while they do enjoy funding from
other conservatives, these folks are not the problem because they do not
have substantial power. Nothing shows this better than the fact that this
ideological right has always been as concerned as the left over the real
source of power, the elite globalists. This began with the Reece Committee
on the role of foundations in 1954, continued through the 1960s with the
John Birch Society's attacks on the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR),
and later on the Trilateral Commission, and continues today with Pat
Robertson,[6] Pat Buchanan, Ross Perot, Spotlight, and others. It's not
a right-left problem, but rather a top-bottom problem.[7]

     Secondly, whatever the funding enjoyed by D'Souza and NAS, one
must recognize that the ideological right has long been motivated by
a Constitutionally-based, protectionist patriotism that hates big
government. Too often the patriotic component has devolved into what can
only be described as racism and imperialism. But in 1993 they are once
again isolationist, at a time when louder mainstream voices want to assume
the role of the world's policeman. And today the populist, ideological
right (as opposed to the corporate, Republican, elitist right found on the
CFR roster) is also opposed to NAFTA, every bit as firmly as the
trade-union Democrats. The ideological right, in other words, takes ideas
seriously -- a characteristic of those who lack power. It's just possible
that diversity for its own sake deserves to be criticized because it
replaces the search for truth with a situationist relativism based on
personal experience. This too is a consideration that defies simplistic
left-right categories.

     For those who feel that the forces behind the debate are instructive,
it's worthwhile noting that the Ford Foundation began supporting feminist
groups and women's studies programs in the early 1970s. Just ten years
earlier they were busy training Indonesian elites (using Berkeley
professors as instructors) to take over from Sukarno,[8] which occurred
soon after a CIA-sponsored coup in 1965 that led to the slaughter of
hundreds of thousands. Did the folks at Ford Foundation have a bleeding
change of heart, or are they continuing the same battle on another front?
It would appear to be the latter. David R. Hunter, considered the
"godfather of progressive philanthropy" by hip heirs such as George
Pillsbury,[9] began his new career co-opting the next generation after
spending four years at the Ford Foundation.[10] The ruling elite knows
exactly what it's doing, and they are remarkably consistent.

     When Ramparts blew the whistle on the CIA's domestic cultural
activities in 1967, President Johnson appointed a committee consisting of
elitists Nicholas Katzenbach (Rhodes scholar and former Ford Foundation
fellow), OSS old-boy John Gardner (Carnegie Corporation president,
1955-1965), and CIA director Richard Helms to study the problem. The
Katzenbach Committee reported that they expected private foundations,
which had grown from 2,200 in 1955 to 18,000 in 1967, to take over
the CIA's funding of international organizations, and recommended a
"public-private mechanism" to give grants openly. Sixteen years later
a Democratic Congress adopted this recommendation by establishing the
National Endowment for Democracy (NED). By now it requires a leap of good
faith to draw distinctions among complicated overlapping networks of CIA
funding, NED funding, and funding by foundations such as Carnegie, Ford,
and Rockefeller. The same people are behind all three, and they seem to
be getting richer every day. They promote the two-party system because
it keeps the rest of us off track.

     Consider the issue of women in the workplace. Everyone agrees that
increased opportunities for women are wonderful, but what effect has this
had on family income? Here's the sobering answer, from Daniel Patrick
Moynihan, no less:

     The average weekly take home pay of a worker who entered the
     workforce in 1989 is $5.68 less today than thirty years ago. This is
     also reflected in hourly wages. Compared to 1959, there has been a
     slight increase, 60 cents an hour. But hourly wages are down from
     their peak in 1973. The 1950s were our boom time. In that one decade
     hourly wages grew by 83 cents. It took the following three decades
     to add a mere 60 cents. Families made do by doubling up in the
     workforce. Between 1955 and 1989 female participation in the work
     force rose from 35.7 percent to 57.4 percent. Even so, family income
     stayed flat. Median family income in 1973 was $32,109. Half a
     generation later in 1988 it was, in constant 1988 dollars, $32,191, a
     gain of $82. We also started the 1980s as the largest creditor nation
     in history. We are now the largest debtor.... As a debtor nation, we
     must expect that the people we owe money to will be better off than
     we are.[11]

     More American women are working just to keep the family going, while
more Japanese women can afford to stay home and are choosing to do so. The
flip side of increased opportunities for American women is that they can
no longer choose to stay out of the labor force. As David Rieff asks, "If
multiculturalism is what its proponents claim it is, why has its moment
seen the richest one percent of Americans grow richer and the
deunionization of the American workplace? There is something wrong
with this picture."[12]

     Consider, too, the situation of African-Americans. As soon as the
ghettos erupted in the mid-1960s, Johnson's war on poverty began pouring
funds on the flames. This was followed with Nixon's "black capitalism,"
and by the early 1970s affirmative action was institutionalized by edict
from above in both the public sector and in major private corporations
that held government contracts. But twenty years later only the
politicians, pundits, and movie stars pretend that any of this is
significant; it's the Jesse Jacksons and black personalities on television
who justify what they've got by emphasizing how far we've come thanks to
the civil rights struggle. Meanwhile the young in the ghettos, and
increasingly even on campuses, know that these front-office PR slots were
filled long ago. It's not a problem of inequality; for the next generation
there's already a rough equality in anticipated misery. The big problem
is that opportunities are vanishing altogether, without regard to race,
gender, or sexual orientation.

     What's left of the left has yet to even acknowledge this, which makes
the proponents of diversity seem irrelevant and even a bit suspicious.
It's as if the multiculturalists are protesting too much. Trapped by the
cognitive dissonance engendered by hard evidence and common sense, their
words lash out reactively in an effort to justify themselves. What else
can they do? As David Rieff notes, their relationship to the real world
is peripheral:

     For all their writings on power, hegemony, and oppression, the campus
     multiculturalists seem indifferent to the question of where they fit
     into the material scheme of things. Perhaps it's tenure, with its way
     of shielding the senior staff from the rigors of someone else's
     bottom-line thinking. Working for an institution in which neither pay
     nor promotion is connected to performance, job security is guaranteed
     (after tenure is attained), and pension arrangements are probably the
     finest in any industry in the country -- no wonder a poststructuralist
     can easily believe that words are deeds. She or he can afford to.[13]

     While self-justification may motivate tenured multiculturalists, the
same politics also work well for those who are trying to get there. As any
humanities grad student soon discovers, academia is about specialization,
not about teaching. You need a gimmick. The choreography of the canon
limits the varieties of mental gymnastics during any given academic period
(about ten years), and anyone out of sync is destined for unemployment. By
insisting on diversity as a challenge to the canon, new slots are forced
open for tenure-track spin doctors. Pressure from the administration for
departmental affirmative action dovetails nicely with the fact that only
victims can preach this new canon; presto, tenure at last! Elizabeth
Fox-Genovese, who resigned as chair of Emory's women's studies program
because of complaints she wasn't sufficiently radical, admits as much:

     In real terms, however, the battle over multiculturalism is a battle
     over scarce resources and shrinking opportunities. To recognize this
     much does not deny the related battle over national identity, but
     does caution us to take the more extreme pronouncements pro and con
     with a grain of salt.[14]

     Multiculturalism can be an ideology that is used to bludgeon one's
way into tenure, because affirmative action alone is insufficient. The
essence of affirmative action becomes clear after leaving grad school and
spending fifteen years working for small companies as well as several
large corporations. Affirmative action (the PR phrase is "equal
opportunity" and the accurate phrase is "preferential treatment") is a
facade, affecting only the low-level and public-interface positions in
large corporations. After instructing their human resource departments
along federal guidelines, upper management stays the same, secure in the
knowledge that the low-level hires will statistically offset the white
males behind their closed office doors. Feminists call this the "glass
ceiling."

     For young white males without exceptional advantages, it's closer to
a glass floor. Math doesn't play language games: if you quota something in
you also quota something out. Someone must pay for the sins of the elite.
When the diversity-mongers target white males, at best they are almost
half correct -- many (not all) older white males have enjoyed advantages.
But then when they make someone pay, they are all wrong: it's always the
young and innocent who bear the brunt of their policies. It would make as
much sense for U.S. institutions to impose sanctions on young women today,
simply because historically they have enjoyed exemption from the military
draft.

     The fact that affirmative action appeared so rapidly over twenty
years ago, without opposition from entrenched interests, should have
provided a clue. It may have been designed to defuse civil unrest, but
this remedy was forced from above, not from below. In a poll commissioned
by Pat Robertson's Christian Coalition, which plans to organize minorities
in support of traditional family values, only 36.6 percent of Hispanics,
37.6 percent of blacks, and 10 percent of whites agreed with the statement
that "African-Americans, Hispanics and other minorities should received
special preference in hiring to make up for past inequalities."[15] The
agenda of victimology, defined by George Will as "the proliferation of
groups nursing grievances and demanding entitlements,"[16] is not an
agenda shared widely off campus.

     It appears that those who are most vocal in support of affirmative
action are those, reasonably enough, who are most dependent on it to
maintain their advantage. The ruling elite are experts at manipulating
their own interests; they know how to divide and conquer, which is why
they continue to rule. As inequality becomes increasingly obvious, those
who are less equal begin to see society in terms of "us" and "them." The
dominant culture shades this definition by using the mass media to
emphasize our differences at every opportunity. Conventional wisdom
becomes articulated within narrow parameters, which is another way of
saying that the questions offered for public debate are rigged.

     The objective is to define "us" and "them" in ways that do not
threaten the established order. Today everyone can see that there is more
Balkanization on campus, and more racism in society, than there was when
affirmative action began over twenty years ago. And for twenty years now
one can hardly get through the day without being reminded that race is
something that matters, from TV sitcoms all the way down to common
application forms (it would have been unthinkable to ask about one's race
on an application form in the 1960s). We are not fighting the system
anymore, we're fighting each other.

     Multiculturalism fails to challenge the underlying assumption of all
affirmative action rationales, namely that opportunities are scarce and
there's not enough for everyone. There is much evidence to substantiate
this, particularly as the U.S. tries to remain competitive in a new global
economy. Perhaps we should take the global perspective seriously and
hunker down for hard times. It's just poor business sense to build a
factory in the U.S. if you can build it in Mexico (2000 have moved
already). In 1983 the cost of an hour's labor time here was $12.26. The
hourly savings for using foreign labor that year amounted to $10.81 in
Mexico, $10.09 in Singapore, $6.06 in Japan, and $10.97 in Korea.[17]

     Perhaps America's only potential advantage is the technical lead we
enjoy in certain areas. If we can play this card well, it might partially
compensate for a declining industrial base. Here, too, affirmative action
has it all backwards. A huge pool of talent -- the ones, incidentally,
who have most of the skills needed in a society that wants to emphasize
technical innovation, merit, and quality -- are underemployed and
demoralized by affirmative action policies.

     Recent literacy tests by the Education Department, the most
comprehensive in two decades, show that American adults aged 21 to 25
scored significantly lower than eight years ago, and that about 40 million
American adults of all ages have difficulty reading a simple sentence. Men
outscored women in document and quantitative literacy, and white adults
scored significantly higher than any of the other nine racial and ethnic
groups surveyed.[18] Over half of all minorities admitted to college under
affirmative action programs drop out before graduating; 30 percent before
the end of their freshman year.[19] America does not have the time or
resources to bring everyone up to the same level, so instead it appears to
be "dumbing down" our culture by denying opportunities and challenges to
our most capable young people. This attempt at social leveling is a poor
second choice.

     None of these dire trends are of any concern to the ruling elites who
have the power to address them. They are citizens of the world, and no one
-- now not even the Soviet bloc -- stands in their way. They have no need
for borders; free trade is what they want and what they will eventually
get. Many on Wall Street prefer unrestricted immigration, which would
drive down wages and fold up our few remaining unions. For ruling elites,
private security provides insulation and "social decay" is just an
irrelevant phrase. A massive amount of money, some $1 trillion, is traded
every day on currency exchanges around the world. On those rare occasions
when money laundering is discovered, the tax man gets too greedy, or
regulators become pesky, one nation can be played off against another. And
there is disturbing evidence that even the CIA operates at the level of
offshore banking and drug-running, presumably after they determine that
their already-bloated budgets, picked from our pockets, simply don't meet
their needs.

     The owners of corporate America have the resources to move offshore
or south of the border, while the rest of us are here for the duration. If
we were all tightening our belts together, there might be some basis for
programs designed to redistribute opportunities. But the rich are getting
richer at the same time that they institute policies such as affirmative
action and NAFTA. It doesn't pass the smell test. The campus left speaks
of equality, and then forgets about justice by ignoring economic and class
distinctions. This failure is so fundamental that multiculturalists
should no longer be considered "leftists." As long as they claim this
description, some of us -- those who still feel that elites ought to be
accountable -- are beginning to feel more comfortable as "populists."

     Back on campus, the debate rages over the quality of politically-
correct (PC) courses and the propriety of speech codes designed to
penalize so-called "hate" speech. Multiculturalism is pervasive throughout
the humanities, but English and art classes seem to attract most of the PC
professors. At the University of Maryland, Josephine Withers taught
"Contemporary Issues in Feminist Art" in 1993. Nine of her students, in
an effort to propagate the awareness of rape as a feminist issue, tacked
up hundreds of fliers bearing the heading "Notice: These Men Are Potential
Rapists." The names underneath were chosen arbitrarily from the student
directory. Some of those named were not amused. This is not "hate speech,"
because in this case the perpetrators -- the nine women -- are victims of
a "male-identified" culture, and are simply expressing sensitivity to
their own oppression.[20]

     For an example of actionable hate speech, we go to the University of
Pennsylvania. The theft of 14,000 copies of the student newspaper by black
students unhappy with a white columnist went unpunished at Penn. But a
white male freshman was hauled before the school's judicial board after
yelling "water buffalo" at a group of black sorority sisters creating a
disturbance under his dormitory window.[21]

     Some of the steam has gone out of campus speech codes because of
recent court decisions that have declared them unconstitutional. But
political correctness and multiculturalism is still rampant inside some
classrooms. Scholars from NAS have expressed concern over standards of
scholarship and rising campus tensions.[22] Thoughtful progressives like
Barbara Epstein worry that "a politics that is organized around defending
identities ... forces people's experience into categories that are too
narrow."[23] Todd Gitlin, a former 1960s student leader who now teaches
at Berkeley, echoes similar sentiments:

     The academic left has degenerated into a loose aggregation of margins
     -- often cannibalistic, romancing the varieties of otherness,
     speaking in tongues. In this new interest-group pluralism, the
     shopping center of identity politics makes a fetish of the virtues
     of the minority, which, in the end, is not only intellectually
     stultifying but also politically suicidal.... Authentic liberals have
     good reason to worry that the elevation of "difference" to a first
     principle is undermining everyone's capacity to see, or change, the
     world as a whole.[24]

     Even Mother Jones magazine is having second thoughts. Karen Lehrman,
a thirtyish conservative who visited 20 women's studies classes at
Berkeley, Iowa, Smith, and Dartmouth, delivered a withering critique of
course content in a recent issue.[25] The same Mother Jones issue also
tantalizes with a teaser for future articles: "Is Hillary our friend?"
and "Did someone get to Bill?" At this rate the magazine may eventually
(sometime after the next election, naturally) figure out who the Clintons
really represent. Or at least discover that Donna Shalala, FOH (friend of
Hillary) and chancellor of the University of Wisconsin (before Hillary
appointed her HHS secretary), is a member of both the Council on Foreign
Relations and the super-elitist Trilateral Commission (as is Hillary's
husband). Shalala has called for "a basic transformation of American
higher education in the name of multiculturalism and diversity."[26]

     The critics of course content object to some of the sensitivity
training programs and techniques that are in vogue on the multicultural
campus. Many universities now require PC sensitivity exposure of some sort
for incoming freshmen. The NAS worries that such programs are making the
situation on campus worse, not better:

     "Sensitivity training" programs designed to cultivate "correct
     thought" about complicated normative, social, and political issues do
     not teach tolerance but impose orthodoxy. And when these programs
     favor manipulative psychological techniques over honest discussion,
     they also undermine the intellectual purposes of higher education and
     anger those subjected to them. If entire programs of study or
     required courses relentlessly pursue issues of "race, gender, and
     class" in preference to all other approaches to assessing the human
     condition, one can expect the increasing division of the campus along
     similar lines.[27]

     Sensitivity training has its roots in the late 1960s, when it became
a business management fad much the way that "total quality" has been the
fad over the past few years. An undergraduate at the time, at least in
California, could usually find a sensitivity course in the business
school. These revolved around personal rather than political sensitivity.
A similar experience might be found in the psychology department, where
one "humanist" might have held out against the behaviorists. In sociology,
a race relations class might sponsor trips to the ghetto, where poverty
program militants would harangue and titillate white sorority sisters by
using foul language.

     Ethical questions should be raised when such techniques are applied
with a political agenda. In the late 1960s in California, a group with
liberal Protestant connections calling itself the "Urban Plunge" organized
sensitivity immersions for white liberals from the suburbs. After several
days or more of intensive ghetto exposure organized by charismatic Plunge
staffers, interspersed with group "attack therapy" sessions, many
participants were duly impressed. I attended two or three "Plunges" in
1967-1968 in Los Angeles and San Francisco. In early 1970, when I believed
in pacifism and was appealing a conviction for draft resistance, the Los
Angeles "Plunge" invited me to speak to the weekend participants. I
arrived at the scheduled time and discovered that new techniques were
being used: everyone had been deprived of sleep and food for two days
in an effort to sensitize them to the Third World. Tempers were
understandably short. As I walked in, fists were flying between a staffer
and participant. Disgusted with the whole scene, I immediately walked
back out.

     In 1968, despite all the mistakes and stupidity of that era,
victimology as self-justification was not yet in vogue. Poverty program
militants acted more like kings on their own turf than like victims; they
even seemed to enjoy themselves. Women didn't start complaining until a
year or two later. Hispanics were only recently recognized on a par with
blacks, even in the huge barrios of Los Angeles. Draft resisters risked
prison in an effort to stop the machine, and many who served in Vietnam
felt an obligation to society and risked everything. In this social stew
there were many demands for justice but few self-serving claims to
entitlements. Today, however, Lehrman discovers that victimology is all
the rage:

     Terms like sexism, racism, and homophobia have bloated beyond all
     recognition, and the more politicized the campus, the more frequently
     they're thrown around.... [T]hose with the most oppressed identities
     are the most respected.... The irony is not only that these students
     (who, at the schools I visited at least, were overwhelmingly white
     and upper-middle class) probably have not come into contact with much
     oppression, but that they are the first generation of women who have
     grown up with so many options open to them.[28]

     Another sore point for the critics is the moral relativism of today's
multiculturalists, particularly in the humanities. Lehrman complains that
their "post-structuralism" implies that "all texts are arbitrary, all
knowledge is biased, all standards are illegitimate, all morality is
subjective." When it comes to their own Western-culture feminism, however,
the relativism is conveniently forgotten.[29] Mortimer J. Adler feels that
those who assert subjectivism have dug themselves into a philosophical
hole:

     For such multiculturalists ... what is or is not desirable is,
     therefore, entirely a matter of taste (about which there should be
     no disputing), not a matter of truth that can be disputed in terms of
     empirical evidence and reasons. We are left with a question that
     should be embarrassing to the multiculturalists, though they are not
     likely to feel its pinch. When they proclaim the desirability of the
     multicultural, they dispute about matters that should not be disputed.
     What, then, can possibly be their grounds of preference? Since in
     their terms it cannot appeal to any relevant body of truth, what they
     demand in the name of multiculturalism must arise from a wish for
     power or self-esteem.[30]

     Classes on campus that are considered PC tend to be easy credits,
where students grade each other and spend much of their time discussing
personal experiences and writing journals. Indeed, once relativism is
embraced, there's not much to learn that doesn't come from within, so what
else can be done? But then add social pressure to the classroom, so that
certain patterns of experience are validated by one's peers while others
are not. If one's classmates represented a cross-section of society the
effect might even out, but in this rigged environment they all end up
saying the same thing. Thus college becomes a narrowing experience rather
than a broadening experience. Normally this isn't supposed to happen
until grad school.

     But perhaps learning has always occurred more frequently outside of
the classroom. In 1968 I noticed from a puff piece in our campus yearbook
that a university trustee, John McCone, was a former CIA director. In the
library there was exactly one book to be found that was critical of the
CIA (The Invisible Government by David Wise and Thomas B. Ross, published
in 1964) and it included some material on McCone. Then I began looking at
the other University of Southern California trustees, and discovered some
of the people behind Governor Ronald Reagan and Richard Nixon.

     No one ever assigned me readings on power-structure research; the
established order never encourages anyone to research or expose its inner
workings. I became interested on my own, with help from soon-defunct
magazines like Ramparts. (Years later a former postal worker told me that
at his post office, the feds collected lists of Ramparts subscribers.)
When it comes to naming and describing the ruling elite, the facts are
inconvenient for those who are nursing careers. Students at Columbia
published impressive research on the trustees at their university in 1968,
but not a hint of this made it into the major media. It was reported as
long-haired, pot-smoking draft dodgers who spontaneously decided to take
over the campus for no reason at all. Film at eleven.

     Professors know little about ruling elites because they do know
how to recognize a career-stopper when they see one. The fact that
administrators are actively promoting multiculturalism should have set
off alarm bells for class-conscious leftists who haven't yet deluded
themselves about the role of the university. This support by the
administration ought to clearly suggest that multiculturalism is endorsed
by the ruling elite because they find it useful.

     Donna Shalala, now secretary of Health and Human Services, once
remarked:

     The university is institutionally racist. American society is racist
     and sexist. Covert racism is just as bad today as overt racism was
     thirty years ago. In the 1960s we were frustrated about all this. But
     now, we are in a position to do something about it.[31]

     She and her CFR and Trilateralist friends must laugh about this in
private, knowing that their policies function like self-fulfilling
prophecies. They also know that any focus on racism and sexism to the
exclusion of class analysis amounts to a cover-up of their own agenda. The
1980s speak for themselves. Ultimately the ruling elites intend nothing
less than the Balkanization of the American middle class. Comparatively
speaking, this class is one of world's few remaining reservoirs of
unprotected, unexploited wealth.

 1.  Peter Coleman, The Liberal Conspiracy: The Congress for Cultural
     Freedom and the Struggle for the Mind of Postwar Europe (New York:
     Free Press, 1989), 333 pages.

 2.  Dan Schechter, Michael Ansara, and David Kolodney, "The CIA as an
     Equal Opportunity Employer," Ramparts, June 1969, pp. 25-33.
     Reprinted with an introduction in Ellen Ray, William Schaap, Karl
     van Meter, and Louis Wolf, eds., Dirty Work 2: The CIA in Africa
     (Secaucus NJ: Lyle Stuart, 1979), pp. 50-69.

 3.  David Rieff, "Multiculturalism's Silent Partner: It's the newly
     globalized consumer economy, stupid." Harper's, August 1993,
     pp. 62-72.

 4.  Sigmund Diamond, Compromised Campus: The Collaboration of
     Universities with the Intelligence Community, 1945-1955 (New York:
     Oxford University Press, 1992), 371 pages; David Horowitz, "Sinews of
     Empire," Ramparts, October 1969, pp. 32-42.

 5.  Sara Diamond, "The Funding of the NAS." In Patricia Aufderheide, ed.,
     Beyond PC: Toward a Politics of Understanding (Saint Paul MN:
     Graywolf Press, 1992), pp. 89-96. This essay first appeared in
     Z Magazine, February 1991.

 6.  Compare Sigmund Diamond's discussion of the Reece Committee in
     Compromised Campus and Pat Robertson's discussion of same in The New
     World Order (Dallas: Word Publishing, 1991).

 7.  I'm indebted to Ace Hayes for this sentence.

 8.  David Ransom, "Ford Country: Building an Elite for Indonesia." In
     Steve Weissman, ed., The Trojan Horse: A Radical Look at Foreign Aid
     (Palo Alto CA: Ramparts Press, 1975), pp. 93-116.

 9.  Kathleen Teltsch, "Adviser Helping the Rich Discover Worthy Causes,"
     New York Times, 14 October 1984, p. 50.

10.  Who's Who in America, 1984-1985 (Chicago: Marquis Who's Who, 1984).

11.  Daniel Patrick Moynihan, "Deficit by Default" (14th edition of an
     annual series beginning with Fiscal Year 1976), July 31, 1990,
     pp. xiv - xvii.

12.  Rieff, p. 63.

13.  Ibid., p. 66.

14.  Pat Aufderheide, ed., Beyond PC: Toward a Politics of Understanding
     (Saint Paul MN: Graywolf Press, 1992), p. 232.

15.  Ralph Z. Hallow, "Christian Coalition to Court Minorities: Blacks,
     Hispanics Back Key Stands," Washington Times, 10 September 1993,
     p. A5.

16.  George F. Will, "Literary Politics." In Aufderheide, ed., p. 24.

17.  Bureau of Labor Statistics, Handbook of Labor Statistics (Washington:
     1985), p. 435, Table 132.

18.  Carol Innerst, "America's Illiterates Increasing: Survey Disputes
     U.S. Self-Image," Washington Times, 9 September 1993, p. A1, A10.

19.  C. Vann Woodward, "Freedom and the Universities." In Aufderheide,
     ed., p. 32.

20.  Janet Naylor, "'Potential Rapists' Flier Stirs UMd. Flap," Washington
     Times, 7 May 1993, p. A1, A7.

21.  Carol Innerst, "The Hackney Hubbub: PC Debate at Penn Trails
     Clinton's Pick for NEH," Washington Times, 14 June 1993, p. D1, D2.

22.  National Association of Scholars, "The Wrong Way to Reduce Campus
     Tensions." In Aufderheide, ed., pp. 7-10.

23.  Barbara Epstein, "Political Correctness and Identity Politics." In
     Aufderheide, ed., pp. 148-54.

24.  Todd Gitlin, "On the Virtues of a Loose Canon." In Aufderheide, ed.,
     pp. 185-90.

25.  Karen Lehrman, "Off Course," Mother Jones, September-October 1993,
     pp. 45-51, 64, 66, 68.

26.  Shalala is quoted in Dinesh D'Souza, Illiberal Education: The
     Politics of Race and Sex on Campus (New York: Vintage Books, 1992),
     p. 13.

27.  National Association of Scholars, p. 9.

28.  Lehrman, pp. 64, 66, 68.

29.  Ibid., p. 66.

30.  Mortimer J. Adler, "Multiculturalism, Transculturalism, and the Great
     Books." In Aufderheide, ed., pp. 59-64.

31.  Shalala is quoted in D'Souza, p. 16.