Area : SNET-L
Date : Oct 13 '95, 14:23
From : pom, 1:330/202
To   : ALL
Subj : (fwd) CLINTON: 1995-10-11 President at IMF and World Bank An

From: pomi 
Subject: (fwd) CLINTON: 1995-10-11 President at IMF and World Bank Annual Meetin
Message-ID: 
Date: Fri, 13 Oct 1995 13:23:44 -0400 (EDT)

Following are some excerpts from Klinton's speech at the IMF and World
Bank Meeting.  These are OBVIOUS to me as propaganda, preparation, and
the plan for world government.

Anyone with an alternative interpretation, please post it. I for one would
like to have some evidence that something other than world government or
a centralized structure that supercedes national sovereignty is being
referred to.

Please note that these paragraphs are chronologically correct but that
I've omitted many within the speech and haven't indicated the omissions.

I got this from alt.politics.reform for those who want the whole thing.


                            THE WHITE HOUSE

                     Office of the Press Secretary

________________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                                   October 11, 1995


         REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
       AT ANNUAL MEETING OF IMF AND WORLD BANK


            The Sheraton Washington Hotel
             Washington, D.C.




11:15 A.M. EDT


        THE PRESIDENT:  Mr. Chairman, Mr. Secretaries, Mr.
Camdessus, President Wolfensohn, to the governors of the International
Monetary Fund and the World Bank Group, honored guests:  On behalf of the
United States, it's an honor to welcome you to Washington for your 50th
annual meeting.  And I am especially pleased to have the opportunity to
speak to this group at a moment when you can see the fruits of your
labors.

        But I ask you to remember also that the Mexican crisis put
into high relief tensions that are less evident in many, many emerging
economies throughout the world in the new realities of the 21st century.
It, therefore, provides for us a powerful reminder of why we must
continue to lead in the face of these extraordinary new challenges and
these new opportunities.

        History will look back on us and judge how well we responded
to this time of intense economic transformation .  It is the most
intensive period of economic change since the Industrial Revolution.  The
revolutions in communications and technology, the development of non-stop
global markets, the vast currency flows that are now the tides of
international business -- all these have brought enormous advantages for
those who can embrace and succeed in the new global economy.

        But these forces have also made all our societies more
vulnerable -- to disturbances that once may have seemed distant, but
which now directly affect the jobs and livelihoods in every nation in the
world, from the richest to the poorest.  The unbridled forces of the
global market make it more difficult for every nation to sustain the
social contract; to sustain individual opportunity for all citizens; to
keep families strong; to keep communities thriving; to keep hope alive.

        The truth is, in this new world there are powerful forces of
integration and powerful forces of disintegration.  And as we approach
the 21st century, we must adapt our thoughts and our actions to this new
reality.  No nation can turn its back, and we will all have to work
together if we want the promise of the 21st century to outweigh its peril
in every nation in the globe.

        The trend toward globalization, after all, has far surpassed
anything the great figures of Bretton Woods could have imagined.
Interdependence among nations has grown so deep that literally it is now
meaningless to speak of a sharp dividing line between foreign and
domestic policy.  In the United States, when we think of economic policy,
we can't divide that which is domestic from that which is global.  When
we think of security policy, we know that our efforts to combat
terrorism, whether it's in the World Trade Center incident or in Oklahoma
City, have very much in common with our efforts to help our friends
around the world to deal with a bus blowing up in the Middle East or a
vial of sarin gas being broken open in a Japanese subway, or in so many
other instances that all of you can well relate to.

        We simply must adjust the world's financial architecture to
these new conditions.  We must forge a system strong enough, yet flexible
enough, to make the most of the historic opportunities and the historic
obligations before us.

        Billions of people, after all, in Asia, in Latin America, in
Africa, in Europe, who are turning to democracy and free markets need to
see that there can be tangible benefits from their decision, and a better
life after breaking the shackles of the past.

        Today, a child born in Bangkok, or Buenos Aires, or
Johannesburg enjoys the possibility of a vastly better life than his or
her forebears could ever have imagined.  But to redeem that promise, we
must work to exalt the forces of integration and to overcome the forces
of disintegration that globalization bring.  We must see that a future
crisis like Mexico's does not rob children of the better lives before
those lives ever get started.

        Fifty-one year ago, at another moment of historic change,
President Roosevelt urged our Congress to approve the Bretton Woods
agreements.  He drew a dark picture of -- or a clear picture of stark
contrast.  The choice he said then was -- and I quote -- "between a world
caught again in a maelstrom of panic and economic warfare, or a world
that will move toward unity and widely shared prosperity."  "This point
in history," he said, "is full of promise and of danger."  Today, as we
stand on the verge of a new century and confront a radically new
international economy, I say to you that we are at a point of history
full of promise and of danger.

        To master the challenge before us, we must focus our efforts
on expanding trade, improving investment and capital flows and promoting
sustainable development here.  And we must do it in the context of our
devotion to human freedom and democracy.

                          __________
        The best way to grow our economies is to expand trade.  Our
experience shows that.  In the last three years, there has been a
stunning explosion in American exports, up four percent in 1993, 10
percent in 1994, 16 percent in 1995.  At the same time, global trade has
increased over 12 percent over the last three years, and the United
States, as we have sold more, has been in a position to buy even more
from other countries all around the world.

     ==== my comment
--Note that exports are trivial 16% of the economy.  Why are we being told
that exports are so important to our economy, that we will benefit greatly
by eliminating the domestic jobs that are 84% of our economy and increasing
exports?  Being an export-driven economy robs us of self-sufficiency and
makes us dependent upon others for that percentage that we must now import
because of trade agreements providing cheap labor abroad.  The imports meet
domestic demand that used to be served by domestic production.

We could survive quite well without the trivial percentage of exports that
is being portrayed as something positive because they promote
"interdependence" and the central structures that will then be needed to
regulate it.
      ===========

[Klinton excerpt continues..]

        Ironically, just when the advantages of expanded trade have
become so dramatic, we are again hearing the voices of retreat here in
our own country.  There are those who say that America should simply
erect a wall and live within its own borders economically; and when it
comes to foreign policy, we should just go it alone.  But, my fellow
citizens of our shared planet, economic interdependence is a fact of
life.  The goal must be to have it benefit all people, consistent with
our shared vision for a world of freedom and peace and security and
prosperity, consistent with shared values of responsibility and
opportunity for all people, of stronger families and stronger
communities, of nations with sustainable levels of economic growth that
preserve our common environment.

        Mexico's troubles and the other recent events have shown
that reforms in the international financial system have to continue.  We
don't have this all worked out as it needs to be.  We should spread the
benefits of financial integration around the world so that more and more
borrowers have access to capital markets.  We have to devise better ways
to prevent financial crises and to cope with the crises that inevitably
occur.  People will turn away from free markets if they feel helpless, if
they feel that they are simply pawns in a global game of winner-take-all,
rather than partners in a global endeavor that seeks to make it possible
for all to win.

        Since the peso crisis, we have moved from crisis management
to institutional reform.  At the G-7 Summit in Halifax, we put forward
far-reaching proposals to help the international financial institutions
meet these new needs.  They aim to increase disclosure of nations
financial information and identify possible crises early, before they
rock the world economy.  And they include steps to mobilize the
international community quickly when future crises occur.  Next time
there's a problem like Mexico's, the system will be better prepared.

        I'm pleased that over the last few days, the broader
membership of the IMF has endorsed these proposals, made them more
concrete, brought them closer to implementation.  I thank you for that,
and I congratulate you for it.

        Fulfilling the hopes of this moment demands that we also
renew our efforts to help those who still suffer the curse of poverty.
Development that improves standards of living, strengthens democracy,
conserves resources and restrains population growth; development that
lifts people up and builds societies of citizens and consumers, not
victims and dependence -- these -- these objectives benefit all nations,
rich and poor.

        To succeed, we must change the approaches of the past to
meet the demands of the future.  The international financial
institutions, the multilateral development banks, must continue to
sharpen their focus on giving all people the chance to make the most of
their own lives.  That means investing in education, in health care, in
other programs that attack the roots of poverty.  It means responding to
the problems that were highlighted in such stark and clear relief at the
Beijing Conference on Women.  It means encouraging private sector
development.  It means that our development programs must support
democracy, accountability and the rule of law.  It means we must have a
common global commitment to environmental protection and sustainable
development.



        Today's despair breeds tomorrow's conflicts.  Resolving the
funding for dealing with today's despair will save the world and the
United States a lot of money and perhaps even precious lives in the
future.  Restoring funding for IDA is one of our administration's top
priorities because it is the right thing to do.  Of course, it serves our
interests, but it is the right thing to do.  (Applause.)


        When these two institutions opened for business, the IMF and
the World Bank, there were 38 nations standing behind them.  Even then,
John Maynard Keynes likened the affair to the Tower of Babel.  Well,
today, there are 179 nations represented here.  But even though we are
larger in number and some of us are larger and more wealthy than others,
this increase in numbers does not mean that any one of us, including the
United States, can afford to detach itself from the business at hand and
hope that others will take up the slack.  More than ever, we must all
participate in the reform of the international economic system, and we
must all do our part.

        In a world that grows rapidly closer, every one of us is
called upon to help harness the forces of integration for the benefit of
our people and to make the forces work for all our communities and for
the community of nations that is increasingly bound together.  Only then
can we fulfill the potential of the advances in technology and trade and
knowledge.  Only in that way will we defeat the forces of disintegration,
extreme nationalism and ethnic strife, isolation and protectionism.

        I believe that the 21st century will be the period of
greatest possibility in all human history.  I hope it will be a period of
unparalleled growth, achievement, prosperity and human fulfillment; it
certainly has the potential to be.

        What these institutions do in the next 20 years will have a
large say in what the 21st century looks like for all the people of the
world.  What we do individually, as nations and leaders, will have a
large say in what that world looks like.

        The institutions that we honor today and that you
participate in deserve and require our support.  They also deserve and
require our best efforts to make constructive changes to meet the new
opportunities and the new challenges we face.

        We must -- we must -- lay the foundation for prosperity,
security and freedom that will benefit all the people of the world well
into the next century.  These next few years area critical point, an
historic turning point.  And if we do our job, the history of the next
century will be less bloody than the history of the 20th century, and
even more filled with prosperity and freedom and common human decency.

        Thank you very much.  (Applause.)

             END                          11:42 A.M. EDT

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