From jhdaugh@conch.aa.msen.comThu Jun 22 08:00:21 1995
Date: Thu, 22 Jun 1995 07:57:19 -0400
From: James Daugherty 
To: prj@mail.msen.com
Subject: http:--www.earthlink.net-~scot-


  TO UNDERSTAND THE MIND THAT'S SHAPING THIS COUNTRY, READ QUOTES THAT SHAPED
  HIS MIND!



   The purpose of this homepage is to present Carroll Quigley--Clinton's
   political mentor whom he praised at the Democratic Convention--and
   quotes from books (suppressed at that) which have strongly affected
   both sides of the political spectrum.

   If you have not heard of Quigley and his powerful influence, here is
   an opportunity to read his exact words from a taped interview just
   before his death, and The Anglo-American Establishment which was
   rejected by 15 publishers, and his 1,348 page Tragedy and Hope: A
   History of the World in Our Time whose original plates were
   destroyed.

   Quigley graduated magna cum laude with MA and Ph.D. degrees from
   Harvard. He was even in Ripley's Believe It or Not for being the
   youngest person to receive a Ph.D. For 28 consecutive years alumni
   selected him as the most influential professor. Dean of The School of
   Foreign Service, Dr. Peter F. Krough aptly stated, "He was one of the
   last of the great macro-historians who traced the development of
   civilization...with awesome capability." With his teachings, Clinton
   and other aspirants have aligned themselves in positions of influence.
   As Quigley espouses, "Look at the real situations which lie beneath
   the conceptual and verbal symbols."

   The rest will be direct quotes, except those sentences in [brackets].
   It is about 10 pages long so scroll down if you want to know how to
   acquire these and other relevant books. Read of what Quigley says.

   [Quigley's words from a taped interview with a reporter in 1971. It
   was found with his archives at Georgetown University.]

   Quigley. Now here's what happened and I don't know whether we want to
   get this on tape but I'll put it on tape. But look, you've got to be
   discreet.

   Reporter. Sure.

   Quigley. All right. When Tragedy and Hope was selling--the contract
   and right up to the last minute, which would be the Spring and Summer
   of '66-- they were telling everybody who wrote in that it's out of
   print. Now, they lied to me. ... They had lied and lied and lied to
   me, you see, on everything. I have letters to prove that... Oh, the
   big thing is my contract, both had it in that if it went out of print
   I had the right to recover the plates. They never got in touch with me
   for the plates. I learned in March of this year that they destroyed
   the plates of Tragedy and Hope, because my wife got mad and called
   Macmillan on the phone every week while I was in England-and finally
   got from them a letter in which they said the plates had been
   destroyed. They said they had 'inadvertently' destroyed the plates.
   ... One reason I was suspicious of Macmillan was this; the first, the
   fact that the radical right, the John Birch Society and so forth, was
   getting all up over this book, goes back to at least '69.

   Reporter. I was going to ask you about that.

   Quigley. '69 yes. And a book appeared called The Naked Capitalist by
   Cleon Skousen. Now about a fifth of it is direct quotes from my book.
   Now, he says its from my book and its in quotation marks, but
   nevertheless, its a violation of copyright; I got in touch with
   Macmillan, they would not do a thing. ... I said, "Aren't you going to
   defend my copyright?" and they said, "No. If you want to do something,
   we will support you and be a witness if you want and so forth." Well,
   I wasn't going to sue this guy.

   [Quigley goes on to talk about what he was writing about, and how his
   interests as an historian were sparked.]

   Quigley. The group that I'm writing about was originally in my mind,
   the group established secretly by Lord Milner in 1899 called the
   "Round Table Group," which still publishes a quarterly magazine
   called, The Round Table which is one of the world's best sources of
   international relations information since 1910.

   ... I discovered this Fellow (of All Souls College at Oxford) is
   behind everything that is going on. Lionel Curtis, you see -- now I
   don't think we should talk too much about this -- but having
   discovered that, I met Alfred Zimmerman. He came here to give a
   speech. And I said, "Isn't it funny that All Souls is the Round Table
   Group?" I never heard of them. That shows little Lionel knew they'd
   been around since 1909 and published its magazine since 1910 and this
   is 1947. And I said, "what is the Round Table Group," and he named
   them, who they were. And he said, "I was a member of them for 10
   years, from 1913 and they brought me in and invited me because I was
   in the Worker's Educational Alliance. This was extension programs,
   night courses and summer course for workers." And he said, "That's why
   they brought me into it and I was in for 10 years and I resigned in
   1923 because they were determined to build up Germany against France."
   He said, "I wouldn't stand for it so I resigned." Now when I met Lord
   ----- and I asked him about this he had never seen the resignation, so
   I better stop talking because you see this gets into all kinds of
   things.

   Now, this is it. I knew the Round Table Group was very influential. I
   knew that they were the real founders of the Royal Institute of
   International Affairs and I knew they were--I always got this
   imprint--they were the real founders of the Royal Institute of Pacific
   Relations. I knew that they were the Godfathers of the Council of
   Foreign Relations here. ... I knew the manuscripts of that were stored
   in the Council of Foreign Relations during the war so they wouldn't be
   destroyed by German bombing. Do you see? So I began to put these
   things together and discovered that this group was working to federate
   the English-speaking world. They were closely linked to international
   bankers. They were working to establish a world that I call a 'three
   power world,' and that the three power world was, the Atlantic Block
   of England and the Commonwealth and the United States,
   Germany-Hitler's Germany, and Soviet Russia, the three power world.
   They said, Germany we can control because its boxed in--all of this is
   in my book--its boxed in between the Atlantic Block and the Russians.
   That Russians will behave because they're boxed in between the
   Atlantic Block, the American Navy and Singapore and the Germans. And
   therefore, this is all described in my book, and this was their idea.

   [Before the 1,348 page Tragedy and Hope: A History of the World in Our
   Time, Quigley sketched out his theory and footnoted his sources in
   The Anglo-American Establishment which was never published until
   after his death in 1981. Even though he was a renowned scholar and had
   a best selling book the Evolution of Civilizations, The Anglo-American
   Establishment was rejected by 15 publishers.]

   P. IX [The very first sentence of the book] The Rhodes Scholarships,
   established by the terms of Cecil Rhodes's seventh will, are known to
   everyone. What is not so widely known is that Rhodes in five previous
   wills left his fortune to form a secret society, which was to devote
   itself to the preservation and expansion of the British Empire. And
   what does not seem to be known to anyone is that this secret society
   was created by Rhodes and his principal trustee, Lord Milner, and
   continues to exist to this day. ...This society has been known at
   various times as Milner's Kindergarten, as the Round Table Group, as
   the Rhodes crowd, as The Times crowd, as the All Souls group, and as
   the Cliveden set. ... It is not easy for an outsider to write the
   history of a secret group of this kind, but, since no insider is going
   to do it, an outsider must attempt it. It should be done, for this
   Group is, as I shall show, one of the most important historical facts
   of the twentieth century.

   P. X Facts came to me from sources which I am not permitted to name,
   and I have mentioned them only where I can produce documentary
   evidence available to everyone. Nevertheless, it would have been very
   difficult to write this book if I had not received a certain amount of
   assistance of a personal nature from persons close to the Group. ...
   There are undoubtedly errors in what follows. I have tried to keep
   these at a minimum by keeping the interpretation at a minimum and
   allowing the facts to speak for themselves. ... Since membership may
   not be a formal matter but based rather on frequent social
   association, and since the frequency of such association varies from
   time to time and from person to person, it is not always easy to say
   who is in the Group and who is not. I have tried to solve this
   difficulty by dividing the Group into two concentric circles: an inner
   core of intimate associates, who unquestionably knew that they were
   members of a group devoted to a common purpose; and an outer circle of
   a larger number, on whom the inner circle acted by personal
   persuasion, patronage distribution, and social pressure.

   P. XI I should say a few words about my general attitude toward this
   subject. I approached the subject as a historian. This attitude I have
   kept. I have tried to describe or to analyze, not to praise or to
   condemn. I hope that in the book itself this attitude is maintained.
   Of course I have an attitude, and it would be only fair to state it
   here. In general, I agree with the goals and aims. I feel that the
   British way of life and the British Commonwealth of Nations are among
   the great achievements of all history. ... I feel that the withdrawal
   of Ireland, of Burma, of India, or of Palestine from the Commonwealth
   is regrettable and attributable to the fact that the persons in
   control of these areas failed to absorb the British way of life while
   they were parts of the Commonwealth.

   I feel that the truth has a right to be told, and, once told, can be
   an injury to no men of good will. 1949

   P. 3 [The first sentence in the Introduction.] One wintry afternoon in
   February 1891, three men were engaged in earnest conversation in
   London. From that conversation were to flow consequences of the
   greatest importance to the British Empire and to the world as a whole.
   ... The leader was Cecil Rhodes, fabulously wealthy empire-builder and
   the most important person in South Africa. The second was William T.
   Stead, the most famous, and probably also the most sensational,
   journalist of the day. The third was Reginald Baliol Brett, later
   known as Lord Esher, friend and confidant of Queen Victoria, and later
   to be the most influential adviser of King Edward VII and King George
   V.

   [I shall proceed to Tragedy and Hope: A History of the World in Our
   Time, utilizing direct quotes to connect thematic threads. I shall
   keep all keep all commentary to a minimum and thus give Quigley due
   credence as the author.]

   [On P. 38, Quigley outlines a history of finances.]

   NAME / DATES / TYPICAL ORGANIZATION / MANAGEMENT
     * Commercial capitalism 1050-1270/ Company/ Municipal mercantilism
     * 1440-1690/ Chartered company/ State mercantilism
     * Industrial capitalism 1770-1870/ Private firm or partnership/
       Owners
     * Financial capitalism 1850-1932/ Corporation and holding company/
       Bankers

     * Monopoly capitalism 1890-1950/ Cartels and trade association
       /Managers



   P. 46 Production, transfer, and consumption of goods, were concrete
   and clearly visible so that almost anyone could grasp them simply by
   examining them, while the operations of banking and finance were
   concealed, scattered, and abstract so that they appeared to many to be
   difficult. To add to this, bankers themselves did everything they
   could to make their activities more secret and more esoteric. Their
   activities were reflected in mysterious marks in ledgers which were
   never opened to the curious outsider.

   P. 47 Hundreds of years ago, bankers began to specialize, with the
   richer and more influential ones associated increasingly with foreign
   trade and foreign-exchange transactions. ... Increasingly concerned
   with questions of political significance, such as stability and
   debasement of currencies, war and peace, dynastic marriages and
   worldwide trading monopolies, they become the financiers and financial
   advisors of governments. ... They used their power and influence to do
   two things: (1) to get all money and debts expressed in terms of a
   strictly limited commodity - ultimately gold; and (2) to get all
   monetary matters out of the control of governments and political
   authority, on the ground that they would be handled better by private
   banking interests in terms of such a stable value as gold. ...

   P. 49 Willaim Paterson, on obtaining the charter of the Bank of
   England in 1694, to use the moneys he had won in privateering, said,
   "The Bank hath benefit of interest on all moneys which it creates out
   of nothing."

   P. 51 In time they brought into their financial network the provincial
   banking centers, organized as commercial banks and savings banks, as
   well as insurance companies, to form all of these into a single
   financial system on an international scale which manipulated the
   quantity and flow of money so that they were able to influence, if not
   control, governments on one side and industries on the other. ... The
   greatest of these dynasties, of course, were the descendants of Meyer
   Amschel Rothschild (1743-1812) of Frankfort, whose male descendants,
   for at least two generations, generally married first cousins or even
   nieces. Rothschild's five sons - established at branches in Vienna,
   London, Naples, and Paris, as well as Frankfort - cooperated together
   in ways which other international banking dynasties copied but rarely
   excelled.

   P. 52 The names of some of these banking families are familiar to all
   of us and should be more so. They include Baring, Lazard, Erlanger,
   Warburg, Schroder, Seligman, the Speyers, Mirabaud, Mallet, Fould, and
   above all Rothschild and Morgan. ... They were cosmopolitan and
   international; they were close to governments and were particularly
   concerned with questions of government debts, including foreign
   government debts.

   P. 53 People of considerable political knowledge might not associate
   the names Walter Burns, Clinton Dawkins, Edward Grenfell, Willard
   Straight, Thomas Lamont, Dwight Morrow, Nelson Perkins, Russell
   Leffingwell, Elihu Root, John W. Davis, John Foster Dulles, and S.
   Parker Gilbert with the name "Morgan," yet all these and many others
   were parts of the system of influence which centered on the J.P.
   Morgan office at 23 Wall Street. ... Politicians were too weak and too
   subject to temporary popular pressures to be trusted with control of
   the money system...

   P. 60 One the whole, in the period up to 1931, bankers, especially the
   Money Power controlled by the international investment bankers, were
   able to dominate both business and government. They could dominate
   business, especially in activities and in areas where industry could
   not finance its own needs for capital, because investment bankers had
   the ability to supply or refuse to supply such capital

   [The book talks about the influential power of the investment bankers,
   who they are and how they have shaped history. It then discusses John
   Ruskin as the key man who intellectually defined an agenda that would
   influence many, Rhodes being one of them. ]

   P. 130-131 Until 1870 there was no professorship of fine arts at
   Oxford, but in that year, thanks to the Slade bequest, John Ruskin was
   named to such a chair. He hit Oxford like an earthquake, not so much
   because he talked about fine arts, but because he talked also about
   the empire and England's downtrodden masses, and above all because he
   talked about all three of these things as moral issues. ... Ruskin
   spoke to the Oxford undergraduates as members of the privileged,
   ruling class. He told them that they were the possessors of a
   magnificent tradition of education, beauty, rule of law, freedom,
   decency, and self-discipline but that this tradition could not be
   saved, and did not deserve to be saved, unless it could be extended to
   the lower classes in England itself and to the non-English masses
   throughout the world. ... The tradition must be extended to the masses
   and to the empire.

   Ruskin's message had a sensational impact. His inaugural lecture was
   copied out in longhand by one undergraduate, Cecil Rhodes, who kept it
   with him for thirty years. Rhodes (1853-1902) feverishly exploited
   [with financial support from Lord Rothschild] the diamond and gold
   fields of South Africa, rose to be prime minister of the Cape Colony
   (1890-1896), contributed money to political parties, controlled
   parliamentary seats both in England and in South Africa, ... [and]
   spent so freely for his mysterious purposes that he was usually
   overdrawn on his account. These purposes centered on his desire to
   federate the English-speaking peoples and to bring all the habitable
   portions of the world under their control. For this purpose Rhodes
   left part of his great fortune to found the Rhodes Scholarships at
   Oxford in order to spread the English ruling class tradition
   throughout the English-speaking world as Ruskin had wanted.

   Among Ruskin's most devoted disciples at Oxford were a group of
   intimate friends including Arnold Toynbee, Alfred (later Lord) Milner,
   Arthur Glazebook, George Parkin, Philip Lyttelton Gell, and Henry
   Birchenough. These were so moved by Ruskin that they devoted the rest
   of their lives to carrying out his ideas. A similar group of Cambridge
   men including Reginald Baliol Brett, Sir John B. Seeley, Albert Grey,
   and Edmund Garrett were also aroused by Ruskin's message and devoted
   their lives to the extension of the British Empire and uplift of
   England's urban masses as two parts of one project which they called
   "extension of the English-speaking idea." They were remarkably
   successful in these aims because England's most sensational journalist
   William T. Stead (1849-1912), an ardent social reformer and
   imperialist, brought them into association with Rhodes. This
   association was formally established on February 5, 1891, when Rhodes
   and Stead organized a secret society of which Rhodes had been dreaming
   for sixteen years. ... They kept in touch with each other by personal
   correspondence and frequent visits, and through an influential
   quarterly magazine, The Round Table founded in 1910 and largely
   supported by Sir Abe Bailey's money. In 1919 they founded the Royal
   Institute of International Affairs (Chatham House) for which the chief
   financial supporters were Sir Abe Bailey and the Astor family (owners
   of The Times). Similar Institutes of International Affairs were
   established in the British dominions and in the United States (where
   it is known as the Council on Foreign Relations) in the period
   1919-1927. After 1925 a somewhat similar structure of organizations,
   known as the Institute of Pacific Relations, was set up in twelve
   countries holding territory in the Pacific area...

   [Learn why, what and how key historical events happened as Quigley
   clarifies the tangled events of contemporary history. The historical
   roots of Israel's existence is used as one example.]

   P. 245 The next document concerned with the disposition of the Ottoman
   Empire was the famous "Balfour Declaration" of November 1917. ... The
   Balfour Declaration took the form of a letter from British Foreign
   Secretary Arthur James Balfour to Lord Rothschild, one of the leading
   figures in the British Zionist movement. ... P. 247 Balfour's letter
   said, "His Majesty's Government view with favor the establishment in
   Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people and will use their
   best endeavors to facilitate the achievement of this object." ...
   Hussein was so distressed when he heard of it that he asked for an
   explanation, and was assured by D.G. Hogarth, on behalf of the British
   government, that "Jewish settlement in Palestine would only be allowed
   in so far as would be consistent with the political and economic
   freedom of the Arab population." ... There is a sharp contrast between
   the imperialist avarice to be found in the secret agreements like
   Sykes-Picot and the altruistic tone of the publicly issued statements;
   there is also a sharp contrast between the tenor of the British
   negotiations with the Jews and those with the Arabs regarding the
   disposition of Palestine, with the result that Jews and Arabs were
   each justified in believing that Britain would promote their
   conflicting political ambitions in that area.

   [Read about the sinking of the passenger ship Lusitania, which
   triggered the US entry into W.W.I. Learn about The Peace Conference
   occurring after the war and how the experts assisting the political
   leaders were members or associates of the international-banking
   fraternity. Read about the agreements that were reached. I shall state
   one example.]

   P. 308 A compromise was reached by which Germany accepted the Dawes
   Plan for reparations... The Dawes Plan, which was largely a J. P.
   Morgan production, was drawn up by an international committee of
   financial experts presided over by the American banker Charles G.
   Dawes. ... It is worthy of note that this system was set up by the
   international bankers and that the subsequent lending of other
   people's money to Germany was very profitable to these bankers. ... P.
   324 The powers of financial capitalism had another far-reaching aim,
   nothing less then to create a world system of financial control in
   private hands able to dominate the political system of each country
   and the economy of the world as a whole. This system was to be
   controlled in a feudalist fashion by the central banks of the world
   acting in concert, by secret agreements arrived at in frequent private
   meetings and conferences. The apex of the system was to be the Bank
   for International Settlements in Basle, Switzerland, a private bank
   owned and controlled by the world's central banks which were
   themselves private corporations. Each central bank, in the hands of
   men like Montagu Norman of the Bank of England, Benjamin Strong of the
   New York Federal Reserve Bank, Charles Rist of the Bank of France, and
   Hjalmar Schacht of the Reichsbank, sought to dominate its government
   by its ability to control Treasury loans, to manipulate foreign
   exchanges, to influence the level of economic activity in the country,
   and to influence cooperative politicians by subsequent economic
   rewards in the business world. In each country the power of the
   central bank rested largely on its control of credit and money supply.
   In the world as a whole the power of the central bankers rested very
   largely on their control of loans and of gold flows.

   P. 325 In 1852, Gladstone, then chancellor of the Exchequer and later
   prime minister, declared, "The hinge of the whole situation was this:
   the government itself was not to be a substantive power in matters of
   Finance, but was to leave the Money Power supreme and unquestioned."
   ... In January, 1924, Reginald McKenna, who had been chancellor of the
   Exchequer in 1915-1916, as chairman of the board of the Midland Bank
   told its stockholders: "I am afraid the ordinary citizen will not like
   to be told that the banks can, and do, create money.... And they who
   control the credit of the nation direct the policy of Governments and
   hold in the hollow of their hands the destiny of the people."

   [Quigley gives exacting detail concerning the financial manipulations
   behind events like the 'Crash of 1929' and the world depression. The
   history clearly shows how those with the actual power pushed an
   agenda. As the book spans developments in significant nations, learn
   about where, what and how the international Socialist movement took
   root and then go to what occurred within the United States.]

   P. 532 The economic power represented by these figures is almost
   beyond imagination to grasp, and was increased by the active role
   which these financial titans took in politics. Morgan and Rockefeller
   together frequently dominated the national Republican Party, while
   Morgan occasionally had extensive influence in the national Democratic
   Party (three of the Morgan partners were usually Democrats). ...
   Morgan, operating on the international level in cooperation with his
   allies abroad, especially in England, influenced the events of history
   to a degree with cannot be specified in detail but which certainly was
   tremendous.

   P. 534 Roosevelt was quite willing to unbalance the budget and to
   spend in a depression in an unorthodox fashion because he had grasped
   the idea that lack of purchasing power was the cause of the lack of
   demand which made unsold goods and unemployment, but he had no idea of
   the causes of the depression and had quite orthodox ideas on the
   nature of money. ... The New Deal allowed the bankers to create the
   money, borrowed it from the banks, and spent it. This meant that the
   New Deal ran up the national debt to the credit of the banks. ... For
   the whole twelve years he was in the White House, Roosevelt had
   statutory power to issue fiat money in the form of greenbacks printed
   by the government without recourse to the banks. ... P. 535 The New
   Deal, after four years of pump priming and a victorious election in
   1936, stopped its spending. Instead of taking off, the economy
   collapsed in the steepest recession in history. ... Since 1947 the
   Cold War and the space program have allowed the same situation to
   continue, so that even today prosperity is not the result of a
   properly organized economic system but of government spending...

   [Learn of the centralization of power through corporate wealth, along
   with methods of mass propaganda. Then learn of W.W.II and the
   "Declaration of the United Nations."]

   P. 755 Roosevelt presented him [Churchill] with a draft for a public
   "Declaration of the United Nations." P. 757 The British found
   themselves in a difficult position between the high and proclaimed
   principles of the Americans and the low and secret interests of the
   Russians. P. 796 The United States would be the greatest Power in a
   world security organization which would prevent future wars but, at
   the same time, would be unable to impose any decisions on the United
   States. Under that peace the world would be reconstructed economically
   to satisfy the basic needs of all human beings, end poverty and
   disease by American technical skill and science, and raise standards
   of living everywhere to the simultaneous satisfaction of American
   idealism and American industry's need for profitable markets. ...
   Conferences were surrounded with preliminary and subsequent
   negotiations and gave rise to the basic international organizations of
   the postwar period. Among these were the Food and Agriculture
   Organization (FAO), now stationed in Rome; the United Nations Relief
   and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA); the International Monetary
   Fund and the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development
   (World Bank), now in Washington; the United Nations Educational,
   Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), now in Paris; and the
   United Nations security organization now operating out of its
   glittering glass buildings along the East River, New York City.

   [Learn about the nuclear rivalry.]

   P. 873 Historically, the period 1945 to early 1963 forms a unity. ...
   The period as a whole is so complex that no successful effort has been
   made by any historian to present it as a unity. ... This is done
   because most historians do not feel competent to discuss it; but
   chiefly it is done because much of the evidence is secret. Because of
   such secrecy, the story of this Soviet-American technological rivalry
   falls into two quite distinct, and even contradictory, parts: (1) what
   the real situation was and (2) what prevalent public opinion believed
   the situation to be.

   P. 919 The whole purpose of secrecy in government should not be to
   keep information from other states (this is almost impossible) but to
   make it as difficult as possible for other states to get certain
   information, so that, when they do get such restricted information, it
   will be so intermingled with other information and misinformation that
   it cannot be evaluated promptly enough to do them much good.

   [Learn how the dissemination of information promoted a certain
   agenda.] P. 936 It involves the organization of tax-exempt fortunes of
   international financiers into foundations to be used for educational,
   scientific, "and other public purposes." P. 937 J.P. Morgan and his
   associates were the most significant figures in policy making at
   Harvard, Columbia, and to a lesser extent Yale, while the Whitneys
   were significant at Yale, and the Prudential Insurance Company
   (through Edward D. Duffield) dominated Princeton. ... The chief
   officials of these universities were beholden to these financial
   powers and usually owed their jobs to them. ... The significant
   influence of "Wall Street" (meaning Morgan) both in the Ivy League and
   in Washington, in the period of sixty or more years following 1880,
   explains the constant interchange between the Ivy League and the
   Federal government... In spite of the great influence of this "Wall
   Street" alignment, an influence great enough to merit the name of the
   "American Establishment," this group could not control the Federal
   government and, in consequence, had to adjust to a good many
   government actions thoroughly distasteful to the group. The chief of
   these were in taxation law, beginning with the graduated income tax in
   1913, but culminating, above all else, in the inheritance tax. These
   tax laws drove the great private fortunes dominated by Wall Street
   into tax-exempt foundations, which became a major link in the
   Establishment network between Wall Street, the Ivy League, and the
   Federal government.

   P. 953 There grew up in the twentieth century a power structure
   between London and New York which penetrated deeply into university
   life, the press, and the practice of foreign policy. ... The American
   branch of this "English Establishment" exerted much of its influence
   through five American newspapers (The New York Times, New York Herald
   Tribune, Christian Science Monitor, the Washington Post, and the
   lamented Boston Evening Transcript. )

   P. 954 The Eighty-third Congress in July 1953 set up a Special
   committee to Investigate Tax-Exempt foundations with Representative B.
   Carroll Reece, of Tennessee, as chairman. It soon became clear that
   people of immense wealth would be unhappy if the investigation went
   too far and that the "most respected" newspapers in the country,
   closely allied with these men of wealth, would not get excited enough
   about any revelations. An interesting report showing the Left-wing
   associations of the interlocking nexus of tax-exempt foundations was
   issued in 1954 rather quietly. Four years later, the Reece committee's
   general counsel, Rene A. Wormser, wrote a shocked, but not shocking,
   book on the subject called Foundations: Their Power and Influence.
   [GSG & Associates - Publishers carrys this book.]

   P. 950 There does exist, and has existed for a generation, an
   international Anglophile network which operates, to some extent, in
   the way the radical Right believes the Communists act. In fact, this
   network, which we may identify as the Round Table Groups, has no
   aversion to cooperating with the Communists, or any other groups, and
   frequently does so. I know of the operations of this network because I
   have studied it for twenty years and was permitted for two years, in
   the early 1960's, to examine its papers and secret records. ... My
   chief difference of opinion is that it wishes to remain unknown, and I
   believe its role in history is significant enough to be known. ... The
   American branch of this organization (sometimes called the "Eastern
   Establishment") has played a very significant role in the history of
   the United States...

   P. 866 Hopefully, the elements of choice and freedom may survive for
   the ordinary individual in that he may be free to make a choice
   between two opposing political groups (even if these groups have
   little policy choice within the parameters of policy established by
   the experts) and he may have the choice to switch his economic support
   from one large unit to another. But, in general, his freedom and
   choice will be controlled within very narrow alternatives by the fact
   that he will be numbered from birth and followed, as a number, through
   his educational training, his required military or other public
   service, his tax contributions, his health and medical requirements,
   and his final retirement and death benefits.

   [I have read and researched Tragedy and Hope to extract these quotes.
   Rather than distort the facts, I have presented Quigley's research in
   context. If you have $40 this is a foundational book for understanding
   the 'History of the World in Our Time.']

   The quickest and most efficient way to receive any or all of the books
   is to send check or money order to GSG & Associates, at 10554 Ohio
   Ave. Los Angeles CA 90024. Please include $3.00 for postage. GSG said
   that he will pay for any additional postage if you order other books.

  BOOKS BY CARROLL QUIGLEY:

              TRAGEDY & HOPE: A HISTORY OF THE WORLD IN OUR TIME



   1,348 pages. Hardcover
   ......................................................................
   ..................$39.95

THE ANGLO-AMERICAN ESTABLISHMENT



   354 pages. Softcover
   ......................................................................
   ......................$14.95

THE EVOLUTION OF CIVILIZATIONS



   Is a comprehensive perspective of the factors behind the rise and fall
   of civilizations.

   452 pages. Softcover
   ......................................................................
   ......................$14.95

  OTHER BOOKS



   FOUNDATIONS: Their Power and Influence by Rene Wormser

   Documents the great philanthropic foundations thrust to alter
   mindsets, that one day Americans would willingly accept socialism.

   412 pages. Softcover
   ......................................................................
   ......................$19.95

   NEW LIES FOR OLD by Anatoliy Golitsyn

   Is a 1984 classic where former KGB Officer Golitsyn forewarned the
   West of USSR's long range stratagems for the "liberation" of Eastern
   Bloc Nations...merging the two Germany's...and dismantling the Berlin
   Wall.

   412 pages. Softcover
   ......................................................................
   ......................$14.95

   THE STRUGGLE FOR WORLD POWER by George Knupffer

   Who exiled during the Bolshevik revolution has closely studied
   revolutionary subversion from every angle, and clearly explains how
   banking, economics, money and credit are wielded for world power and
   ultimate domination.

   240 pages. Softcover
   ......................................................................
   ......................$11.95

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